* mh-compat.el (mh-window-full-height-p): Add compatibility function
[bpt/emacs.git] / etc / copying.paper
CommitLineData
a933dad1
DL
1(For more information about the GNU project and free software,
2look at the files `GNU', `COPYING', and `DISTRIB', in the same
3directory as this file.)
4
5
6 Why Software Should Be Free
7
8 by Richard Stallman
9
10 (Version of April 24, 1992)
11
12 Copyright (C) 1991, 1992, Free Software Foundation, Inc.
13 Verbatim copying and redistribution is permitted
14 without royalty; alteration is not permitted.
15
16Introduction
17************
18
19 The existence of software inevitably raises the question of how
20decisions about its use should be made. For example, suppose one
21individual who has a copy of a program meets another who would like a
22copy. It is possible for them to copy the program; who should decide
23whether this is done? The individuals involved? Or another party,
24called the "owner"?
25
26 Software developers typically consider these questions on the
27assumption that the criterion for the answer is to maximize developers'
28profits. The political power of business has led to the government
29adoption of both this criterion and the answer proposed by the
30developers: that the program has an owner, typically a corporation
31associated with its development.
32
33 I would like to consider the same question using a different
34criterion: the prosperity and freedom of the public in general.
35
36 This answer cannot be decided by current law--the law should conform
37to ethics, not the other way around. Nor does current practice decide
38this question, although it may suggest possible answers. The only way
39to judge is to see who is helped and who is hurt by recognizing owners
40of software, why, and how much. In other words, we should perform a
41cost-benefit analysis on behalf of society as a whole, taking account of
42individual freedom as well as production of material goods.
43
44 In this essay, I will describe the effects of having owners, and show
45that the results are detrimental. My conclusion is that programmers
46have the duty to encourage others to share, redistribute, study and
47improve the software we write: in other words, to write "free"
48software.(1)
49
50How Owners Justify Their Power
51******************************
52
53 Those who benefit from the current system where programs are property
54offer two arguments in support of their claims to own programs: the
55emotional argument and the economic argument.
56
57 The emotional argument goes like this: "I put my sweat, my heart, my
58soul into this program. It comes from *me*, it's *mine*!"
59
60 This argument does not require serious refutation. The feeling of
61attachment is one that programmers can cultivate when it suits them; it
62is not inevitable. Consider, for example, how willingly the same
63programmers usually sign over all rights to a large corporation for a
64salary; the emotional attachment mysteriously vanishes. By contrast,
65consider the great artists and artisans of medieval times, who didn't
66even sign their names to their work. To them, the name of the artist
67was not important. What mattered was that the work was done--and the
68purpose it would serve. This view prevailed for hundreds of years.
69
70 The economic argument goes like this: "I want to get rich (usually
71described inaccurately as `making a living'), and if you don't allow me
72to get rich by programming, then I won't program. Everyone else is like
73me, so nobody will ever program. And then you'll be stuck with no
74programs at all!" This threat is usually veiled as friendly advice
75from the wise.
76
77 I'll explain later why this threat is a bluff. First I want to
78address an implicit assumption that is more visible in another
79formulation of the argument.
80
81 This formulation starts by comparing the social utility of a
82proprietary program with that of no program, and then concludes that
83proprietary software development is, on the whole, beneficial, and
84should be encouraged. The fallacy here is in comparing only two
85outcomes--proprietary software vs. no software--and assuming there are
86no other possibilities.
87
88 Given a system of intellectual property, software development is
89usually linked with the existence of an owner who controls the
90software's use. As long as this linkage exists, we are often faced
91with the choice of proprietary software or none. However, this linkage
92is not inherent or inevitable; it is a consequence of the specific
93social/legal policy decision that we are questioning: the decision to
94have owners. To formulate the choice as between proprietary software
95vs. no software is begging the question.
96
97The Argument against Having Owners
98**********************************
99
100 The question at hand is, "Should development of software be linked
101with having owners to restrict the use of it?"
102
103 In order to decide this, we have to judge the effect on society of
104each of those two activities *independently*: the effect of developing
105the software (regardless of its terms of distribution), and the effect
106of restricting its use (assuming the software has been developed). If
107one of these activities is helpful and the other is harmful, we would be
108better off dropping the linkage and doing only the helpful one.
109
110 To put it another way, if restricting the distribution of a program
111already developed is harmful to society overall, then an ethical
112software developer will reject the option of doing so.
113
114 To determine the effect of restricting sharing, we need to compare
115the value to society of a restricted (i.e., proprietary) program with
116that of the same program, available to everyone. This means comparing
117two possible worlds.
118
119 This analysis also addresses the simple counterargument sometimes
120made that "the benefit to the neighbor of giving him or her a copy of a
121program is cancelled by the harm done to the owner." This
122counterargument assumes that the harm and the benefit are equal in
123magnitude. The analysis involves comparing these magnitudes, and shows
124that the benefit is much greater.
125
126 To elucidate this argument, let's apply it in another area: road
127construction.
128
129 It would be possible to fund the construction of all roads with
130tolls. This would entail having toll booths at all street corners.
131Such a system would provide a great incentive to improve roads. It
132would also have the virtue of causing the users of any given road to
133pay for that road. However, a toll booth is an artificial obstruction
134to smooth driving--artificial, because it is not a consequence of how
135roads or cars work.
136
137 Comparing free roads and toll roads by their usefulness, we find that
138(all else being equal) roads without toll booths are cheaper to
139construct, cheaper to run, safer, and more efficient to use.(2) In a
140poor country, tolls may make the roads unavailable to many citizens.
141The roads without toll booths thus offer more benefit to society at
142less cost; they are preferable for society. Therefore, society should
143choose to fund roads in another way, not by means of toll booths. Use
144of roads, once built, should be free.
145
146 When the advocates of toll booths propose them as *merely* a way of
147raising funds, they distort the choice that is available. Toll booths
148do raise funds, but they do something else as well: in effect, they
149degrade the road. The toll road is not as good as the free road; giving
150us more or technically superior roads may not be an improvement if this
151means substituting toll roads for free roads.
152
153 Of course, the construction of a free road does cost money, which the
154public must somehow pay. However, this does not imply the inevitability
155of toll booths. We who must in either case pay will get more value for
156our money by buying a free road.
157
158 I am not saying that a toll road is worse than no road at all. That
159would be true if the toll were so great that hardly anyone used the
160road--but this is an unlikely policy for a toll collector. However, as
161long as the toll booths cause significant waste and inconvenience, it is
162better to raise the funds in a less obstructive fashion.
163
164 To apply the same argument to software development, I will now show
165that having "toll booths" for useful software programs costs society
166dearly: it makes the programs more expensive to construct, more
167expensive to distribute, and less satisfying and efficient to use. It
168will follow that program construction should be encouraged in some other
169way. Then I will go on to explain other methods of encouraging and (to
170the extent actually necessary) funding software development.
171
172The Harm Done by Obstructing Software
173=====================================
174
175 Consider for a moment that a program has been developed, and any
176necessary payments for its development have been made; now society must
177choose either to make it proprietary or allow free sharing and use.
178Assume that the existence of the program and its availability is a
179desirable thing.(3)
180
181 Restrictions on the distribution and modification of the program
182cannot facilitate its use. They can only interfere. So the effect can
183only be negative. But how much? And what kind?
184
185 Three different levels of material harm come from such obstruction:
186
187 * Fewer people use the program.
188
189 * None of the users can adapt or fix the program.
190
191 * Other developers cannot learn from the program, or base new work
192 on it.
193
194 Each level of material harm has a concomitant form of psychosocial
195harm. This refers to the effect that people's decisions have on their
196subsequent feelings, attitudes and predispositions. These changes in
197people's ways of thinking will then have a further effect on their
198relationships with their fellow citizens, and can have material
199consequences.
200
201 The three levels of material harm waste part of the value that the
202program could contribute, but they cannot reduce it to zero. If they
203waste nearly all the value of the program, then writing the program
204harms society by at most the effort that went into writing the program.
205Arguably a program that is profitable to sell must provide some net
206direct material benefit.
207
208 However, taking account of the concomitant psychosocial harm, there
209is no limit to the harm that proprietary software development can do.
210
211Obstructing Use of Programs
212===========================
213
214 The first level of harm impedes the simple use of a program. A copy
215of a program has nearly zero marginal cost (and you can pay this cost by
216doing the work yourself), so in a free market, it would have nearly zero
217price. A license fee is a significant disincentive to use the program.
218If a widely-useful program is proprietary, far fewer people will use it.
219
220 It is easy to show that the total contribution of a program to
221society is reduced by assigning an owner to it. Each potential user of
222the program, faced with the need to pay to use it, may choose to pay,
223or may forego use of the program. When a user chooses to pay, this is a
224zero-sum transfer of wealth between two parties. But each time someone
225chooses to forego use of the program, this harms that person without
226benefiting anyone. The sum of negative numbers and zeros must be
227negative.
228
229 But this does not reduce the amount of work it takes to *develop*
230the program. As a result, the efficiency of the whole process, in
231delivered user satisfaction per hour of work, is reduced.
232
233 This reflects a crucial difference between copies of programs and
234cars, chairs, or sandwiches. There is no copying machine for material
235objects outside of science fiction. But programs are easy to copy;
236anyone can produce as many copies as are wanted, with very little
237effort. This isn't true for material objects because matter is
238conserved: each new copy has to be built from raw materials in the same
239way that the first copy was built.
240
241 With material objects, a disincentive to use them makes sense,
242because fewer objects bought means less raw materials and work needed
243to make them. It's true that there is usually also a startup cost, a
244development cost, which is spread over the production run. But as long
245as the marginal cost of production is significant, adding a share of the
246development cost does not make a qualitative difference. And it does
247not require restrictions on the freedom of ordinary users.
248
249 However, imposing a price on something that would otherwise be free
250is a qualitative change. A centrally-imposed fee for software
251distribution becomes a powerful disincentive.
252
253 What's more, central production as now practiced is inefficient even
254as a means of delivering copies of software. This system involves
255enclosing physical disks or tapes in superfluous packaging, shipping
256large numbers of them around the world, and storing them for sale. This
257cost is presented as an expense of doing business; in truth, it is part
258of the waste caused by having owners.
259
260Damaging Social Cohesion
261========================
262
263 Suppose that both you and your neighbor would find it useful to run a
264certain program. In ethical concern for your neighbor, you should feel
265that proper handling of the situation will enable both of you to use it.
266A proposal to permit only one of you to use the program, while
267restraining the other, is divisive; neither you nor your neighbor should
268find it acceptable.
269
270 Signing a typical software license agreement means betraying your
271neighbor: "I promise to deprive my neighbor of this program so that I
272can have a copy for myself." People who make such choices feel
273internal psychological pressure to justify them, by downgrading the
274importance of helping one's neighbors--thus public spirit suffers.
275This is psychosocial harm associated with the material harm of
276discouraging use of the program.
277
278 Many users unconsciously recognize the wrong of refusing to share, so
279they decide to ignore the licenses and laws, and share programs anyway.
280But they often feel guilty about doing so. They know that they must
281break the laws in order to be good neighbors, but they still consider
282the laws authoritative, and they conclude that being a good neighbor
283(which they are) is naughty or shameful. That is also a kind of
284psychosocial harm, but one can escape it by deciding that these licenses
285and laws have no moral force.
286
287 Programmers also suffer psychosocial harm knowing that many users
288will not be allowed to use their work. This leads to an attitude of
289cynicism or denial. A programmer may describe enthusiastically the
290work that he finds technically exciting; then when asked, "Will I be
291permitted to use it?", his face falls, and he admits the answer is no.
292To avoid feeling discouraged, he either ignores this fact most of the
293time or adopts a cynical stance designed to minimize the importance of
294it.
295
296 Since the age of Reagan, the greatest scarcity in the United States
297is not technical innovation, but rather the willingness to work together
298for the public good. It makes no sense to encourage the former at the
299expense of the latter.
300
301Obstructing Custom Adaptation of Programs
302=========================================
303
304 The second level of material harm is the inability to adapt programs.
305The ease of modification of software is one of its great advantages over
306older technology. But most commercially available software isn't
307available for modification, even after you buy it. It's available for
308you to take it or leave it, as a black box--that is all.
309
310 A program that you can run consists of a series of numbers whose
311meaning is obscure. No one, not even a good programmer, can easily
312change the numbers to make the program do something different.
313
314 Programmers normally work with the "source code" for a program, which
315is written in a programming language such as Fortran or C. It uses
316names to designate the data being used and the parts of the program, and
317it represents operations with symbols such as `+' for addition and `-'
318for subtraction. It is designed to help programmers read and change
319programs. Here is an example; a program to calculate the distance
320between two points in a plane:
321
322 float
323 distance (p0, p1)
324 struct point p0, p1;
325 {
326 float xdist = p1.x - p0.x;
327 float ydist = p1.y - p0.y;
328 return sqrt (xdist * xdist + ydist * ydist);
329 }
330
331 Here is the same program in executable form, on the computer I
332normally use:
333
334 1314258944 -232267772 -231844864 1634862
335 1411907592 -231844736 2159150 1420296208
336 -234880989 -234879837 -234879966 -232295424
337 1644167167 -3214848 1090581031 1962942495
338 572518958 -803143692 1314803317
339
340 Source code is useful (at least potentially) to every user of a
341program. But most users are not allowed to have copies of the source
342code. Usually the source code for a proprietary program is kept secret
343by the owner, lest anybody else learn something from it. Users receive
344only the files of incomprehensible numbers that the computer will
345execute. This means that only the program's owner can change the
346program.
347
348 A friend once told me of working as a programmer in a bank for about
349six months, writing a program similar to something that was commercially
350available. She believed that if she could have gotten source code for
351that commercially available program, it could easily have been adapted
352to their needs. The bank was willing to pay for this, but was not
353permitted to--the source code was a secret. So she had to do six
354months of make-work, work that counts in the GNP but was actually waste.
355
356 The MIT Artificial Intelligence lab (AI lab) received a graphics
357printer as a gift from Xerox around 1977. It was run by free software
358to which we added many convenient features. For example, the software
359would notify a user immediately on completion of a print job. Whenever
360the printer had trouble, such as a paper jam or running out of paper,
361the software would immediately notify all users who had print jobs
362queued. These features facilitated smooth operation.
363
364 Later Xerox gave the AI lab a newer, faster printer, one of the first
365laser printers. It was driven by proprietary software that ran in a
366separate dedicated computer, so we couldn't add any of our favorite
367features. We could arrange to send a notification when a print job was
368sent to the dedicated computer, but not when the job was actually
369printed (and the delay was usually considerable). There was no way to
370find out when the job was actually printed; you could only guess. And
371no one was informed when there was a paper jam, so the printer often
372went for an hour without being fixed.
373
374 The system programmers at the AI lab were capable of fixing such
375problems, probably as capable as the original authors of the program.
376Xerox was uninterested in fixing them, and chose to prevent us, so we
377were forced to accept the problems. They were never fixed.
378
379 Most good programmers have experienced this frustration. The bank
380could afford to solve the problem by writing a new program from
381scratch, but a typical user, no matter how skilled, can only give up.
382
383 Giving up causes psychosocial harm--to the spirit of self-reliance.
384It is demoralizing to live in a house that you cannot rearrange to suit
385your needs. It leads to resignation and discouragement, which can
386spread to affect other aspects of one's life. People who feel this way
387are unhappy and do not do good work.
388
389 Imagine what it would be like if recipes were hoarded in the same
390fashion as software. You might say, "How do I change this recipe to
391take out the salt?", and the great chef would respond, "How dare you
392insult my recipe, the child of my brain and my palate, by trying to
393tamper with it? You don't have the judgment to change my recipe and
394make it work right!"
395
396 "But my doctor says I'm not supposed to eat salt! What can I do?
397Will you take out the salt for me?"
398
399 "I would be glad to do that; my fee is only $50,000." Since the
400owner has a monopoly on changes, the fee tends to be large. "However,
401right now I don't have time. I am busy with a commission to design a
402new recipe for ship's biscuit for the Navy Department. I might get
403around to you in about two years."
404
405Obstructing Software Development
406================================
407
408 The third level of material harm affects software development.
409Software development used to be an evolutionary process, where a person
410would take an existing program and rewrite parts of it for one new
411feature, and then another person would rewrite parts to add another
412feature; in some cases, this continued over a period of twenty years.
413Meanwhile, parts of the program would be "cannibalized" to form the
414beginnings of other programs.
415
416 The existence of owners prevents this kind of evolution, making it
417necessary to start from scratch when developing a program. It also
418prevents new practitioners from studying existing programs to learn
419useful techniques or even how large programs can be structured.
420
421 Owners also obstruct education. I have met bright students in
422computer science who have never seen the source code of a large
423program. They may be good at writing small programs, but they can't
424begin to learn the different skills of writing large ones if they can't
425see how others have done it.
426
427 In any intellectual field, one can reach greater heights by standing
428on the shoulders of others. But that is no longer generally allowed in
429the software field--you can only stand on the shoulders of the other
430people *in your own company*.
431
432 The associated psychosocial harm affects the spirit of scientific
433cooperation, which used to be so strong that scientists would cooperate
434even when their countries were at war. In this spirit, Japanese
435oceanographers abandoning their lab on an island in the Pacific
436carefully preserved their work for the invading U.S. Marines, and left a
437note asking them to take good care of it.
438
439 Conflict for profit has destroyed what international conflict spared.
440Nowadays scientists in many fields don't publish enough in their papers
441to enable others to replicate the experiment. They publish only enough
442to let readers marvel at how much they were able to do. This is
443certainly true in computer science, where the source code for the
444programs reported on is usually secret.
445
446It Does Not Matter How Sharing Is Restricted
447============================================
448
449 I have been discussing the effects of preventing people from copying,
450changing and building on a program. I have not specified how this
451obstruction is carried out, because that doesn't affect the conclusion.
452Whether it is done by copy protection, or copyright, or licenses, or
453encryption, or ROM cards, or hardware serial numbers, if it *succeeds*
454in preventing use, it does harm.
455
456 Users do consider some of these methods more obnoxious than others.
457I suggest that the methods most hated are those that accomplish their
458objective.
459
460Software Should be Free
461=======================
462
463 I have shown how ownership of a program--the power to restrict
464changing or copying it--is obstructive. Its negative effects are
465widespread and important. It follows that society shouldn't have
466owners for programs.
467
468 Another way to understand this is that what society needs is free
469software, and proprietary software is a poor substitute. Encouraging
470the substitute is not a rational way to get what we need.
471
472 Vaclav Havel has advised us to "Work for something because it is
473good, not just because it stands a chance to succeed." A business
474making proprietary software stands a chance of success in its own narrow
475terms, but it is not what is good for society.
476
477Why People Will Develop Software
478********************************
479
480 If we eliminate intellectual property as a means of encouraging
481people to develop software, at first less software will be developed,
482but that software will be more useful. It is not clear whether the
483overall delivered user satisfaction will be less; but if it is, or if
484we wish to increase it anyway, there are other ways to encourage
485development, just as there are ways besides toll booths to raise money
486for streets. Before I talk about how that can be done, first I want to
487question how much artificial encouragement is truly necessary.
488
489Programming is Fun
490==================
491
492 There are some lines of work that few will enter except for money;
493road construction, for example. There are other fields of study and
494art in which there is little chance to become rich, which people enter
495for their fascination or their perceived value to society. Examples
496include mathematical logic, classical music, and archaeology; and
497political organizing among working people. People compete, more sadly
498than bitterly, for the few funded positions available, none of which is
499funded very well. They may even pay for the chance to work in the
500field, if they can afford to.
501
502 Such a field can transform itself overnight if it begins to offer the
503possibility of getting rich. When one worker gets rich, others demand
504the same opportunity. Soon all may demand large sums of money for doing
505what they used to do for pleasure. When another couple of years go by,
506everyone connected with the field will deride the idea that work would
507be done in the field without large financial returns. They will advise
508social planners to ensure that these returns are possible, prescribing
509special privileges, powers and monopolies as necessary to do so.
510
511 This change happened in the field of computer programming in the past
512decade. Fifteen years ago, there were articles on "computer
513addiction": users were "onlining" and had hundred-dollar-a-week habits.
514It was generally understood that people frequently loved programming
515enough to break up their marriages. Today, it is generally understood
516that no one would program except for a high rate of pay. People have
517forgotten what they knew fifteen years ago.
518
519 When it is true at a given time that most people will work in a
520certain field only for high pay, it need not remain true. The dynamic
521of change can run in reverse, if society provides an impetus. If we
522take away the possibility of great wealth, then after a while, when the
523people have readjusted their attitudes, they will once again be eager
524to work in the field for the joy of accomplishment.
525
526 The question, "How can we pay programmers?", becomes an easier
527question when we realize that it's not a matter of paying them a
528fortune. A mere living is easier to raise.
529
530Funding Free Software
531=====================
532
533 Institutions that pay programmers do not have to be software houses.
534Many other institutions already exist which can do this.
535
536 Hardware manufacturers find it essential to support software
537development even if they cannot control the use of the software. In
5381970, much of their software was free because they did not consider
539restricting it. Today, their increasing willingness to join
540consortiums shows their realization that owning the software is not
541what is really important for them.
542
543 Universities conduct many programming projects. Today, they often
544sell the results, but in the 1970s, they did not. Is there any doubt
545that universities would develop free software if they were not allowed
546to sell software? These projects could be supported by the same
547government contracts and grants which now support proprietary software
548development.
549
550 It is common today for university researchers to get grants to
551develop a system, develop it nearly to the point of completion and call
552that "finished", and then start companies where they really finish the
553project and make it usable. Sometimes they declare the unfinished
554version "free"; if they are thoroughly corrupt, they instead get an
555exclusive license from the university. This is not a secret; it is
556openly admitted by everyone concerned. Yet if the researchers were not
557exposed to the temptation to do these things, they would still do their
558research.
559
560 Programmers writing free software can make their living by selling
561services related to the software. I have been hired to port the GNU C
562compiler to new hardware, and to make user-interface extensions to GNU
563Emacs. (I offer these improvements to the public once they are done.)
564I also teach classes for which I am paid.
565
566 I am not alone in working this way; there is now a successful,
567growing corporation which does no other kind of work. Several other
568companies also provide commercial support for the free software of the
569GNU system. This is the beginning of the independent software support
570industry-an industry that could become quite large if free software
571becomes prevalent. It provides users with an option generally
572unavailable for proprietary software, except to the very wealthy.
573
574 New institutions such as the Free Software Foundation can also fund
575programmers. Most of the foundation's funds come from users buying
576tapes through the mail. The software on the tapes is free, which means
577that every user has the freedom to copy it and change it, but many
578nonetheless pay to get copies. (Recall that "free software" refers to
579freedom, not to price.) Some users order tapes who already have a copy,
580as a way of making a contribution they feel we deserve. The Foundation
581also receives sizable donations from computer manufacturers.
582
583 The Free Software Foundation is a charity, and its income is spent on
584hiring as many programmers as possible. If it had been set up as a
585business, distributing the same free software to the public for the same
586fee, it would now provide a very good living for its founder.
587
588 Because the Foundation is a charity, programmers often work for the
589Foundation for half of what they could make elsewhere. They do this
590because we are free of bureaucracy, and because they feel satisfaction
591in knowing that their work will not be obstructed from use. Most of
592all, they do it because programming is fun. In addition, volunteers
593have written many useful programs for us. (Recently even technical
594writers have begun to volunteer.)
595
596 This confirms that programming is among the most fascinating of all
597fields, along with music and art. We don't have to fear that no one
598will want to program.
599
600What Do Users Owe to Developers?
601================================
602
603 There is a good reason for users of software to feel a moral
604obligation to contribute to its support. Developers of free software
605are contributing to the users' activities, and it is both fair and in
606the long term interest of the users to give them funds to continue.
607
608 However, this does not apply to proprietary software developers,
609since obstructionism deserves a punishment rather than a reward.
610
611 We thus have a paradox: the developer of useful software is entitled
612to the support of the users, but any attempt to turn this moral
613obligation into a requirement destroys the basis for the obligation. A
614developer can either deserve a reward or demand it, but not both.
615
616 I believe that an ethical developer faced with this paradox must act
617so as to deserve the reward, but should also entreat the users for
618voluntary donations. Eventually the users will learn to support
619developers without coercion, just as they have learned to support public
620radio and television stations.
621
622What Is Software Productivity?
623******************************
624
625 If software were free, there would still be programmers, but perhaps
626fewer of them. Would this be bad for society?
627
628 Not necessarily. Today the advanced nations have fewer farmers than
629in 1900, but we do not think this is bad for society, because the few
630deliver more food to the consumers than the many used to do. We call
631this improved productivity. Free software would require far fewer
632programmers to satisfy the demand, because of increased software
633productivity at all levels:
634
635 * Wider use of each program that is developed.
636
637 * The ability to adapt existing programs for customization instead
638 of starting from scratch.
639
640 * Better education of programmers.
641
642 * The elimination of duplicate development effort.
643
644 Those who object to cooperation because it would result in the
645employment of fewer programmers, are actually objecting to increased
646productivity. Yet these people usually accept the widely-held belief
647that the software industry needs increased productivity. How is this?
648
649 "Software productivity" can mean two different things: the overall
650productivity of all software development, or the productivity of
651individual projects. Overall productivity is what society would like to
652improve, and the most straightforward way to do this is to eliminate the
653artificial obstacles to cooperation which reduce it. But researchers
654who study the field of "software productivity" focus only on the
655second, limited, sense of the term, where improvement requires difficult
656technological advances.
657
658Is Competition Inevitable?
659**************************
660
661 Is it inevitable that people will try to compete, to surpass their
662rivals in society? Perhaps it is. But competition itself is not
663harmful; the harmful thing is *combat*.
664
665 There are many ways to compete. Competition can consist of trying to
666achieve ever more, to outdo what others have done. For example, in the
667old days, there was competition among programming wizards--competition
668for who could make the computer do the most amazing thing, or for who
669could make the shortest or fastest program for a given task. This kind
670of competition can benefit everyone, *as long as* the spirit of good
671sportsmanship is maintained.
672
673 Constructive competition is enough competition to motivate people to
674great efforts. A number of people are competing to be the first to have
675visited all the countries on Earth; some even spend fortunes trying to
676do this. But they do not bribe ship captains to strand their rivals on
677desert islands. They are content to let the best person win.
678
679 Competition becomes combat when the competitors begin trying to
680impede each other instead of advancing themselves--when "Let the best
681person win" gives way to "Let me win, best or not." Proprietary
682software is harmful, not because it is a form of competition, but
683because it is a form of combat among the citizens of our society.
684
685 Competition in business is not necessarily combat. For example, when
686two grocery stores compete, their entire effort is to improve their own
687operations, not to sabotage the rival. But this does not demonstrate a
688special commitment to business ethics; rather, there is little scope for
689combat in this line of business short of physical violence. Not all
690areas of business share this characteristic. Withholding information
691that could help everyone advance is a form of combat.
692
693 Business ideology does not prepare people to resist the temptation to
694combat the competition. Some forms of combat have been made banned with
695anti-trust laws, truth in advertising laws, and so on, but rather than
696generalizing this to a principled rejection of combat in general,
697executives invent other forms of combat which are not specifically
698prohibited. Society's resources are squandered on the economic
699equivalent of factional civil war.
700
701"Why Don't You Move to Russia?"
702*******************************
703
704 In the United States, any advocate of other than the most extreme
705form of laissez-faire selfishness has often heard this accusation. For
706example, it is leveled against the supporters of a national health care
707system, such as is found in all the other industrialized nations of the
708free world. It is leveled against the advocates of public support for
709the arts, also universal in advanced nations. The idea that citizens
710have any obligation to the public good is identified in America with
711Communism. But how similar are these ideas?
712
713 Communism as was practiced in the Soviet Union was a system of
714central control where all activity was regimented, supposedly for the
715common good, but actually for the sake of the members of the Communist
716party. And where copying equipment was closely guarded to prevent
717illegal copying.
718
719 The American system of intellectual property exercises central
720control over distribution of a program, and guards copying equipment
721with automatic copying protection schemes to prevent illegal copying.
722
723 By contrast, I am working to build a system where people are free to
724decide their own actions; in particular, free to help their neighbors,
725and free to alter and improve the tools which they use in their daily
726lives. A system based on voluntary cooperation, and decentralization.
727
728 Thus, if we are to judge views by their resemblance to Russian
729Communism, it is the software owners who are the Communists.
730
731The Question of Premises
732************************
733
734 I make the assumption in this paper that a user of software is no
735less important than an author, or even an author's employer. In other
736words, their interests and needs have equal weight, when we decide
737which course of action is best.
738
739 This premise is not universally accepted. Many maintain that an
740author's employer is fundamentally more important than anyone else.
741They say, for example, that the purpose of having owners of software is
742to give the author's employer the advantage he deserves--regardless of
743how this may affect the public.
744
745 It is no use trying to prove or disprove these premises. Proof
746requires shared premises. So most of what I have to say is addressed
747only to those who share the premises I use, or at least are interested
748in what their consequences are. For those who believe that the owners
749are more important than everyone else, this paper is simply irrelevant.
750
751 But why would a large number of Americans accept a premise which
752elevates certain people in importance above everyone else? Partly
753because of the belief that this premise is part of the legal traditions
754of American society. Some people feel that doubting the premise means
755challenging the basis of society.
756
757 It is important for these people to know that this premise is not
758part of our legal tradition. It never has been.
759
760 Thus, the Constitution says that the purpose of copyright is to
761"promote the progress of science and the useful arts." The Supreme
762Court has elaborated on this, stating in `Fox Film vs. Doyal' that "The
763sole interest of the United States and the primary object in conferring
764the [copyright] monopoly lie in the general benefits derived by the
765public from the labors of authors."
766
767 We are not required to agree with the Constitution or the Supreme
768Court. (At one time, they both condoned slavery.) So their positions
769do not disprove the owner supremacy premise. But I hope that the
770awareness that this is a radical right-wing assumption rather than a
771traditionally recognized one will weaken its appeal.
772
773Conclusion
774**********
775
776 We like to think that our society encourages helping your neighbor;
777but each time we reward someone for obstructionism, or admire them for
778the wealth they have gained in this way, we are sending the opposite
779message.
780
781 Software hoarding is one form of our general willingness to disregard
782the welfare of society for personal gain. We can trace this disregard
783from Ronald Reagan to Jim Bakker, from Ivan Boesky to Exxon, from
784failing banks to failing schools. We can measure it with the size of
785the homeless population and the prison population. The antisocial
786spirit feeds on itself, because the more we see that other people will
787not help us, the more it seems futile to help them. Thus society decays
788into a jungle.
789
790 If we don't want to live in a jungle, we must change our attitudes.
791We must start sending the message that a good citizen is one who
792cooperates when appropriate, not one who is successful at taking from
793others. I hope that the free software movement will contribute to
794this: at least in one area, we will replace the jungle with a more
795efficient system which encourages and runs on voluntary cooperation.
796
797 ---------- Footnotes ----------
798
799 (1) The word "free" in "free software" refers to freedom, not to
800price; the price paid for a copy of a free program may be zero, or
801small, or (rarely) quite large.
802
803 (2) The issues of pollution and traffic congestion do not alter
804this conclusion. If we wish to make driving more expensive to
805discourage driving in general, it is disadvantageous to do this using
806toll booths, which contribute to both pollution and congestion. A tax
807on gasoline is much better. Likewise, a desire to enhance safety by
808limiting maximum speed is not relevant; a free access road enhances the
809average speed by avoiding stops and delays, for any given speed limit.
810
811 (3) One might regard a particular computer program as a harmful
812thing that should not be available at all, like the Lotus Marketplace
813database of personal information, which was withdrawn from sale due to
814public disapproval. Most of what I say does not apply to this case,
815but it makes little sense to argue for having an owner on the grounds
816that the owner will make the program less available. The owner will
817not make it *completely* unavailable, as one would wish in the case of
818a program whose use is considered destructive.
819